Showing posts with label United States. Show all posts
Showing posts with label United States. Show all posts

Friday, 20 May 2016

"On Narco-coyotaje: Illicit Regimes and Their Impacts on the US–Mexico Border" by Jeremy Slack and Howard Campbell

Jeremy Slack and Howard Campbell have written an interesting article entitled: "On Narco-coyotaje: Illicit Regimes and Their Impacts on the US–Mexico Border". The article will appear in a forthcoming issue of Antipode but is available hereThe following is an abstract:

Many have debated whether or not human smugglers, known as coyotes, are involved with drug trafficking organizations. Scholars have largely rejected so-called “narcocoyotaje”, however; we hope to problematize this narrative by adding a new theoretical layer to the discussion. Namely, we explore the ways in which different criminal activities produce hierarchies and control illicit activities within the clandestine geography of the US–Mexico border. These “illicit regimes” operate against the State, creating a hierarchy that dominates other illicit activities in order to maximize profit, avoid detection and consolidate power. While other studies have explored the relationships between the State and illicit practices this article takes the relationship between two illicit industries as its object of study. Doing so will help us move past the simply binary question about whether or not coyotes are involved with drug cartels, and allows us to understand what is being produced by this relationship, and its consequences for everyone involved.

 

Thursday, 19 May 2016

Targeting the Habitual Drunkard - The Case of Ledezma-Cosino v Lynch (9th Cir. 2016)


Does being a “habitual drunkard” mean that one lacks good moral character? You may be wondering how this question relates to migration or the law? After all, being a habitual drunkard, in and of itself, does not typically give rise to a violation of the law. 

The issue recently arose in a decision released on March 24, 2016 by the United States Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit (“the court” or “the 9th Circuit”). In Ledezma-Cosino v Lynch, the non-citizen applicant was subject to possible removal (i.e. deportation) proceedings. Although conceding his eligibility for removal, Ledezma-Cosino sought two forms of discretionary relief to escape such fate - (1) cancellation of removal; or (2) in the alternative, voluntary departure. The former allows an individual to remain in the United States while the latter would permit, among other benefits, the possibility of re-admission. However, there's a catch. Such discretionary relief is unavailable for those lacking good moral character. Congress dutifully provided a list of examples where someone lacked such character under 8 USC §1101(f). The first among that list is someone who is a habitual drunkard. 

The Immigration Judge who heard the matter in the first instance concluded, among other reasons, that Ledezma-Cosino was ineligible for the requested relief on account of his being a habitual drunkard. Focusing solely on this reason, the Board of Immigration Appeal affirmed the Immigration Judge's decision. Ledezma-Cosino appealed to the 9th Circuit. 

Before the court, Ledezma-Cosino argued that the statutory bar against habitual drunkards violated both the due process and the equal protection clauses of the 14th Amendment of the United States Constitution. Though the court quickly dispensed with the due process argument, it held that the provision in question violated Ledezma-Cosino's right to equal protection. Specifically, the court determined that the impugned classification (“habitual drunkard”) failed to have a rational connection to a legitimate state interest. It asserted: “The absence of a rational relationship between a medical disease and bad moral character therefore renders any classification based on that relationship a violation of the Equal Protection Clause.” Phrased another way, it was irrational for the government to contend that people suffering from chronic alcoholism were morally blameworthy persons solely because of this disease.

The government sought to escape this connection by mounting several questionable positions, which the court rejected at each turn. First, the government argued that the legislation does not exclude a person based on any status but rather on manifested symptoms (habitual and excessive drinking). The court quickly rejected this distinction articulating that: “A statute targeting people who habitually and excessively drink alcohol is, in effect, targeting individuals with chronic alcoholism.” This is like arguing that anti-sodomy laws did not target gay people for being gay but only sexual behaviour they engaged in with someone of the same sex.
 
Second, the government claimed that people suffering from alcoholism were morally blameworthy because they simply lacked the motivation to overcome their disease, thus justifying the denial of relief. In rejecting this argument, the court articulated that this inability to overcome their illness was an old trope refuted by medical literature - namely that the inability to stop drinking was a function of the underlying ailment. The court didn't stop there but characterized the government's opposition to the medical evidence as having “deplorable, troubling, and wholly unacceptable implications.” If one were to take the government's arguments to their logical conclusion, the court stated that many veterans suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder and chronic alcoholism would be deemed to be of bad moral character. 

Third, the government argued that bad moral character flowed from alcoholism by virtue of the increased risk of violent crime and self-harm. The court rejected the argument by first addressing that those who harm themselves or commit suicide do not show poor moral character. In addition, any links between alcoholism and violence the court determined similarly failed to demonstrate bad moral character. By analogy, the court observed that while there is a recognized higher risk of incidence of violence as well as self-harm by those who had bi-polar disorder, no one would argue that people with that disorder would be deemed as being of bad moral character because of the risks associated with that condition. 

Lastly, the government made one last ditch effort to maintain the legitimacy of the law by turning to history. Namely, it argued that habitual drunkards have been targeted through legislation as a way of protecting society since the country's infancy. The court dismantled this position noting that what history demonstrates is a clear animus against chronic alcoholics and those suffering from mental illnesses. Drawing from precedent, the court observed that animus (rooted in history) does not satisfy a legitimate state interest. Near the end of its judgment, the court posited: “We have...been taught through the passage of time that classifying alcoholics as evil people, rather than as individuals suffering from a disease, is neither rational nor consistent with our fundamental values.”

The case highlights but one instance of discrimination that those with disabilities experience in the immigration process. This experience is by no means limited to the United States - indeed there is a long history of excluding disabled persons in other countries, including Canada. While Ledezma-Cosino is situated within the framework of removal proceedings, many face discrimination in other immigration contexts. Immigration policies are often constructed from an ableist perspective and with the view that a disabled person will be a drain on the host country. A person may be denied entry altogether (even for vacation) because, for example, a past history of depression requiring hospitalization. Even where a person has been permitted entry for work purposes and has demonstrated their value to the country, they may be denied a subsequent visa or request for permanent residency due to the perceived economic burden of a disabled child on the state. This has occurred in Australia and Canada. The antipathy toward those with a disability can also transpire where a foreign parent, who while residing in Canada, seeks to sponsor and bring their disabled child into the country. It may make little difference that an individual's actual or potential costs are or will be covered by private insurance or other funding. 
  
If discrimination on the basis of a disability is to be truly seen as prohibited, nations should strongly consider the appropriateness of permitting such discrimination against those seeking entry or to remain in a host country. As scholar-activist Kim Sauder argues: “It’s a little hard to argue that we [as disabled persons] are valued members of society when people are being excluded from the country for being like us.” 

Saturday, 11 July 2015

The Criminalization of Immigration in the United States by Drs. Walter Ewing, Daniel Martinez and Ruben Rumbaut

The American Immigration Council recently published a report entitled: "The Criminalization of Immigration in the United States" written by Drs. Walter Ewing, Daniel Martinez and Ruben Rumbaut


The following is an excerpt from the Executive Summary:

For more than a century, innumerable studies have confirmed two simple yet powerful truths about the relationship between immigration and crime: immigrants are less likely to commit serious crimes or be behind bars than the native-born, and high rates of immigration are associated with lower rates of violent crime and property crime. This holds true for both legal immigrants and the unauthorized, regardless of their country of origin or level of education. In other words, the overwhelming majority of immigrants are not “criminals” by any commonly accepted definition of the term. For this reason, harsh immigration policies are not effective in fighting crime.

Unfortunately, immigration policy is frequently shaped more by fear and stereotype than by empirical evidence. As a result, immigrants have the stigma of “criminality” ascribed to them by an ever-evolving assortment of laws and immigration-enforcement mechanisms. Put differently, immigrants are being defined more and more as threats. Whole new classes of “felonies” have been created which apply only to immigrants, deportation has become a punishment for even minor offenses, and policies aimed at trying to end unauthorized immigration have been made more punitive rather than more rational and practical. In short, immigrants themselves are being criminalized.

Tuesday, 30 June 2015

Tough on Terror, Short on Nuance: Identifying the Use of Force as a Basis for Excluding Resisters Seeking Refugee Status by Amar Khoday

The Canadian Journal of Human Rights recently published an article of mine. The title and citation are "Tough on Terror, Short on Nuance: Identifying the Use of Force as a Basis for Excluding Resisters Seeking Refugee Status" (2015) 4:2 Can J Hum Rts 179.


The abstract is as follows:

The use of force has been a significant feature of many political struggles and resistance movements. The consequences for its participants may include the possibility of persecution, if not death. Some will flee and seek protection under the auspices of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. Since the attacks of September 11th 2001, governments in Australia, Canada and the United States have passed broad national security legislation that effectively renders such persons inadmissible or excluded for the purposes of acquiring refugee status. Regardless of context, the targeting of government actors and the use of proportionate means, all political violence under such legislation becomes invalid. In this article, the author takes the position that such legislation should be repealed. In its place, Article 1F(b) of the Convention can be used to exclude those who engage in serious non-political crimes while allowing those who perpetrate legitimate political crimes to obtain refugee status. Article 1F(b) is the perfect tool as the purpose of the provision was to protect political resisters while excluding those who failed to observe the distinction between civilians and legitimate targets or who adopted disproportionate means and methods. Prevailing political crimes jurisprudence demonstrates that courts and tribunals possess the capability to differentiate between uses of force that are legitimate while rejecting those  that are not. They have done so by engaging in nuanced and contextual analyses.